Holy Hollywood! |
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America’s founders faced the dilemma of making room for the expression and practice of faith without religious beliefs being imposed by the government. A secular government can protect and permit freedom of religious expression. But a government that imposes Secularism prevents healthy pluralism. Let’s celebrate our nation and its founders by better understanding what it means to live in a pluralistic culture. We asked Dallas Willard if we could publish his insightful essay offering a uniquely Christian perspective on this timely issue. |
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| July 3, 2007 | by Dallas Willard |
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Only a few decades ago, well past the Second World War and into the early Sixties, American culture was almost universally regarded as based upon Christianity. Most leaders, as well as people generally, not only accepted this basis as a fact, but also more-or-less firmly agreed that that is how things ought to be. |
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| "It cannot be emphasized too strongly or too often that this great nation was founded, not by religionists, but by Christians; not on religions, but on the gospel of Jesus Christ. For this very reason peoples of other faiths have been afforded asylum, prosperity, and freedom of worship here."
Patrick Henry | ||||
The United States is not alone in its Struggle with Secularism. In April over a million people marched in Ankara and hundreds of thousands gathered in Istanbul to protest the perceived threat that the ruling party's candidate for the presidency, Abdullah Gul, will erode the secular nature of the republic because of his Islamist leanings. The crowds chanted "Turkey is secular and will remain secular." But others see Gul's candidacy in less threatening terms and question the wisdom of a military imposition of secularism as an absolute in response.
As one blogger aptly observes, "I am a secularist myself. However, my beef with its defenders in Turkey is that democracy should be one of the fundamental principles of secularlism. If they are prepared to overturn their own democratic processes for the sake of laicité they will simply have done what they accuse the Islamists of and turned secularism into an ultimate value - or religion in its own right." "Religion, according to the Turkish constitution, is supposed to have no political or legal influence of any kind -- an ACLU utopia. The Religious Affairs Directorate supervises the training of all imams and determines the themes for Friday sermons. It is difficult to argue with the outcome of this model: Turkey is a prospering democracy where radical Islam has little traction. At the same time, Turks live with restrictions that would drive religious Americans frantic with resentment -- imagine nuns in habits being banned from the U.S. Capitol. A series of political parties have called for the Turkish state to be more tolerant of public religious expression -- and been serially disbanded by the secular establishment. The latest incarnation, known as the Justice and Development Party (AKP), holds a majority in parliament, elected the current prime minister and seeks control of the presidency. This last move has provoked a standoff with the military, which has a constitutional role in defending the secular state. Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called for parliamentary elections July 22 to demonstrate his party's strength. That support increasingly comes not from the rural religious but from Turkey's growing middle class -- educated, entrepreneurial, pious and resentful of the secular elite. Secularists accuse the AKP of seeking a slow-motion Islamist revolution. Turkish writer Mustafa Akyol -- a young, pro-American moderate conservative with a tendency to quote philosopher Leo Strauss -- regards this as a serious overreaction: "The AK Party has traces of Islamism, but it is moving toward becoming a conservative, Muslim democratic party," more akin to the Christian Democratic parties of Europe. So far, the AKP has been pro-capitalism, pro-European Union and a defender of Islamic family values, instead of being an advocate of Islamic law. Turkish secularism has sometimes been called a political model -- yet even with its undeniable achievements, it is hard to imagine the export of this model to highly religious nations elsewhere in the region. But if the AKP proves itself as a center-right religious party, genuinely committed to pluralism, that will be a reverberating example. A democratic transition in Egypt, for instance, is not likely to be achieved by Jeffersonians and secularists. It will require moderate Islamists who direct conservative religious sentiments into democratic channels. Some believe that a "moderate Islamist" is a mythical creature, because Islam itself is essentially theocratic. But Muslims in Indonesia and Bangladesh, Morocco and Turkey are attempting to show otherwise. And America has a stake in their success. Both sides in Turkey could undermine these hopes by overreaching. If the secular establishment were to disband the AK Party before the election, it would be a setback to democracy. If the AK Party, after a successful election, were to insist on a divisive presidential choice, it would call its long-term motives into question. Leaders of the AK Party have a serious responsibility beyond the defense of headscarves: to show that "desecularization" in the Muslim world is consistent with pluralism and freedom." |
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Turkish religious minorities appeal to the European Union as they struggle against persecution and practical obstruction to their freedoms Excerpt from May 2007 Religious Freedom Profile for Turkey Evangelical Christians who are of Turkish origin remain the most vulnerable minority group. Their numbers are estimated to be between 2,500 and 3,000, and a vast majority are converts from Islam. Since they began to meet in congregations less than 20 years ago, the state and society do not regard them as belonging to recognised ethnic or religious minorities, and they are perceived as sectarian groups posing a threat to national security. This is evident both officially and in the day-to-day experiences of Turkish Christians. Ihsan Ozbeck, former chairman of the Alliance of Turkish Protestant Churches, offers a glimpse of their experiences: "There is a price to pay for being a Christian in Turkey. And they make you pay it. You’re taken in by the police, you get slapped around, you are maligned within society, you can’t hold a government job, and your security checks come up negative. Just because you’re a Christian, the police come and bother you and your neighbours." Since the state does not legally recognise these churches, even their most fundamental rights are compromised, such as the ability to hold worship services and express their beliefs. Zoning laws have been used to hinder the meeting of Christian fellowships. The Legal Committee – Alliance of Protestant Churches of Turkey, states that “one of the main problems has been the inability, due to the lack of laws and procedures, and unwillingness of the authorities to ratify our places of worship. As a result, more than twenty cases regarding Protestant fellowships are currently in the courts due to restrictions imposed by the authorities citing zoning or council laws. Some cases have gone to the European Court of Human Rights (ECHR).” On 12 September 1999, police forces carrying automatic weapons, escorted by members of the media, entered the worship service of Karatas Protestant Church in Izmir, arresting 40 worshippers and taking them into overnight custody at the Anti-Terrorism Department. They were released the following day upon the decision of the Public Prosecutor who rendered a verdict of Non Prosecution since their actions did not constitute a crime. Despite the fact that the right to propagate one’s faith is protected by law in Turkey, local and expatriate Christians have continually faced harsh physical treatment and baseless accusations which have lead to them being remanded in custody by security forces. Christian Solidarity Worldwide |
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We applaud the New York Times for continuing their call for the responsible use of DDT and exposing the bad science and loss of millions of lives caused by Rachel Carson and her book, Silent Spring. Fateful Voice of a Generation Still Drowns Out Real Science The human costs have been horrific in the poor countries where malaria returned after DDT spraying was abandoned. Malariologists have made a little headway recently in restoring this weapon against the disease, but they’ve had to fight against Ms. Carson’s disciples who still divide the world into good and bad chemicals, with DDT in their fearsome “dirty dozen.” Ms. Carson didn’t urge an outright ban on DDT, but she tried to downplay its effectiveness against malaria and refused to acknowledge what it had accomplished. As Dr. Baldwin wrote, “No estimates are made of the countless lives that have been saved because of the destruction of insect vectors of disease.” He predicted correctly that people in poor countries would suffer from hunger and disease if they were denied the pesticides that had enabled wealthy nations to increase food production and eliminate scourges. But Dr. Baldwin did make one mistake. After expressing the hope “that someone with Rachel Carson’s ability will write a companion volume dramatizing the improvements in human health and welfare derived from the use of pesticides,” he predicted that “such a story would be far more dramatic than the one told by Miss Carson in ‘Silent Spring.’ ” That never happened, and I can’t imagine any writer turning such good news into a story more dramatic than Ms. Carson’s apocalypse in Eden. A best-seller titled “Happy Spring”? I don’t think so. NY Times |
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