“You can’t legislate morality.” This slogan
is routinely invoked in our time to oppose government action
to promote morality, from the posting of the Ten Commandments
in a public school to enacting restrictions on abortion. The
premise of the slogan is that law and morality are distinct,
and moreover, that morality is not something that can be imposed
by law.
That law and morality are distinct in some sense is simply
a matter of common sense. There are things that are illegal
(such as crossing the border from Mexico into the United States
without the proper papers) that are not in themselves immoral.
So, too, there are things that are immoral, such as lying
or gluttony, that are not generally illegal.
But the doctrine,“You can’t legislate morality,”
implies far more than the obvious notion that legality and
morality are not always identical. Rather, the doctrine relies
for its justification on the more fundamental conception that
law and morality are inherently distinct. According to this
view, most famously defended by John Stuart Mill, a liberal
society should not advance any notion of the good life. Rather,
it should merely promote safety and liberty, and only restrict
free action to the degree that such action would infringe
upon the freedom of others.
In reality, Mill’s doctrine is not neutral with regard
to a philosophical conception of the good life. Rather, it
advances one conception of the good (the classical liberal
conception, in which safety and liberty are the most important
values) over all others. Moreover, this classical liberal
view, although routinely championed in theory, has never been
seriously adopted in practice, even by self-proclaimed liberals.
Consider three ways in which we have successfully promoted
paternalistic rules and laws that restrict individual action
even though no one else’s security or freedom is threatened.
First, we have laws that force people to use seat belts even
though drivers and passengers who fail to use seat belts are
endangering no one but themselves. Second, we have rules,
aggressively promoted by schools and colleges, insisting that
young people practice “safe sex.” Once again,
couples who don’t use condoms or other birth control
devices are only increasing their own chances of conceiving
a baby or getting a sexually transmitted disease. Finally,
we have increasingly repressive anti-smoking laws which limit
smoking even where the risk to others is minimal.
Do these rules and laws amount to legislating morality? Of
course they do. The only difference is that in the past people
attempted rules that would preserve the life of the soul while
today we have rules that seek to preserve the life of the
body. In earlier times, society sought to promote virtuous
action while today society seeks to promote physical health
and longevity. Hygiene has replaced virtue as the main concern
of our laws.
This brings us to the second concern of those who say that
“You can’t legislate morality.” Are they
right in holding that law is not an effective instrument in
promoting morality? The answer to this question is: it depends
on the law. Whether laws work—whether they achieve their
goal—largely depends on the prudence of the legislation.
Safe sex rules are going to reduce pregnancy and sexually
transmitted disease to the degree that they are sensibly taught
and implemented. Good laws, as Plato taught us, rely for their
effectiveness on public consent. So it is with laws aimed
at virtue, from drug laws to abortion restrictions. If they
are sensibly crafted and win the consent of the governed,
they are likely to work reasonably well.
There is room for a reasonable debate in society over differing
conceptions of the good life, and over what rules are the
most effective and prudent in making our society better. This
debate is not advanced by mindless slogans that attempt to
shut down this debate by declaring the whole subject off-limits.
It is time, therefore, to jettison the meaningless slogan,
“We can’t legislate morality,” because we
can, we are, and we should. |